Tuesday, September 30, 2008

Nano. I will produce Paano for Rs. 10k if there are frauds like CPM

Nano. I will produce Paano for Rs. 10k if there are frauds like CPM

Buddha and CPM have been fooling the people of West Bengal and the rest of Hindusthana by not revealing the full story of state subsidies offered to Tata.

This report by Pradeep Gooptu is a revelation. Who are the Tata's and Buddha of CPM trying to fool? I offer to produce a Paano (so named, because of the paanpatta land taken away from the poor leaseholders of Singur) if a Government offers me such sops.

Only problem with Paano will be that one cannot chew it and spit as with a Kalighat paanpatta.


Nano will cost Bengal hundreds of crores a year

Pradeep Gooptu, BS | October 01, 2008 | 02:06 IST (Business Standard, Kolkata)

Sources in the West Bengal government's finance department said the state had made budgetary provisions that would run into several hundred crores every year for 20 to 30 years to attract Tata Motors' Nano project to Singur.

This payout was to begin from the scheduled start of the production in 2008. The project is now facing problems owing to protests by land-losers unwilling to compensation from the government.

Responding to questions raised on the basis of the contract signed between the state government, Tata Motors and West Bengal Industrial Development Corporation (WBIDC), the source said the state would also match any additional benefits accruing to factories in hill states like Uttarakhand, were these states to receive any further incentive packages in the future.

At the end of 2006, the state government had disbursed the first part of its support to Tata Motors in the form of a soft loan of Rs 200 crore at an interest of 1 per cent per year repayable in five equal annual instalments from the 21st year from disbursement of the loan, entailing a lock-up of the capital and loss of interest income on the amount for the entire tenure.

At a simple rate of 12 per cent a year, the interest subsidy would cost the state about Rs 25 crore a year.

The state had committed to extend a loan of around Rs 400 crore a year at 0.1 per cent interest, payable monthly, for 30 years, as a matching amount for the value added tax (VAT) received by the state at the rate of 12 per cent on every car sold.

The 12 per cent VAT on the Rs 1 lakh base model would go up if more of the upper-end versions of Nano were sold, so the amount of the loan to be extended to TML could surge.

The state would also extend a loan to match the central sales tax collected on the vehicle, payable on each car sold outside the state, or aggregates of such cars sent to other factories, and this commitment was expected to cost the state at least Rs 50 crore a year, given the installed capacity of the Singur plant to make 350,000 cars and generate components and aggregates for up to 500,000 cars.

The state government had also promised Tata Motors subsidised power at the rate of Rs 3 per kilo watt hour (kwh), or at around half the price of power charged to high-tension industrial consumers in the state at present, in perpetuity.

This in turn would mean extending support to the tune of up to Rs 70 crore a year for the 997-acre factory zone comprising the mother plant, the ancillary and component facilities and all related infrastructure under the current power tariff structure.

Incidentally, land for the factory had also been provided at a subsidised rate with 645 acres being provided to Tata Motors at Rs 1 crore a year against market rate of Rs 19.3 crore a year in that area, and with 290 acres being provided for the vendor and related facilities units at Rs 23 lakh a year against a market rate of Rs 8.7 crore a year. This excluded the cost of acquisition of the land pegged at around Rs 120 crore.


Friday, September 5, 2008

How CPM Talibans ruined West Bengal -- HS Mehtani

September 07, 2008
Open Forum

How CPM ruined W. Bengal
By H.S. Mehtani

30 years of Communism in West Bengal. A first person account

In 1960, I joined Durgapur Steel Plant in West Bengal. The educated class of Bengalies was proud to say that 40 per cent of revenue to national exchequer was collected from Kolkata. It was true because of the economic development in the eastern region of the country during British rule. Number of industries like tea, oil, jute and steel plants were established in West Bengal, Assam, Bihar and Orissa. Apart from this there was a development of mining industry like coal, iron ore, lime stone and dolomite in these areas.

Kolkata, a renowned seaport, was the nerve centre for all these business activities. The corporate and other marketing offices of these industries were situated in this city and with this a good number of exim houses also came up. So Kolkata was rightly called the financial capital of the country till the end of 1950’s.

After Independence, the central government during first and second Five Year Plans still invested a lot in this region, particularly in West Bengal, to give further boost to economic development. Number of industries were set up in public and private sector. The area between Asansol and Burdwan was created as an economic zone, where Durgapur Steel Plant, Alloysteel Plant, Mining and Allied Machinery Corporation, West Bengal Coke ovens, D.V.C. Thermal Power Station, Philips Carbon Black, Shankey Wheels, Associated Vikers and Babcock and many more industries came up. Industrial licenses were issued to still more business houses in West Bengal.

In 1961, after the death of Dr BC Roy, the then Chief Minister and a great Congress leader, there was no other leader in Congress party who could inspire the intelligensia and create the dedicated cadres at grass root level. Shri PC Sen, who took over as Chief Minister, was not so effective. Shri Atulya Ghosh, another great Congress leader, remained only busy in Central Committees in Delhi.

There was almost a vacuum in West Bengal polities, which gave an opportunity to rising communists under the leadership of Shri Jyoti Basu and Shri Pramod Dasgupta, who succeeded to train and motivate their cadres under the banners of AITUC to work on the principles of Marxism to bring under their fold the industrial and farm labour. A lot of Marxist literature was floated which also drew the attention of educated class. They embarked on vigorous propaganda, by dubbing all persons other than their cadres and followers, as capitalists, pro-American and CIA Agents. The people holding administrative posts in government offices, business houses and industries were considered anti-people, anti-poor, anti-peasants and anti-workers. For them the Marxism was fighting for the cause of peasants and workers of the world.

This worked like magic. In 1962 election, Marxists registered threefold increase in strength by winning about seventy seats in West Bengal assembly. This success made them more offensive. They shouted slogans like “Power lies in the barrel of the gun”, “We will break the Constitution from within”, “Democracy is for capitalists”, side by side they developed militancy in their cadres, who were brainwashed with Marxist ideals like Talibans, who are brainwashed with Islamic ideals. Both are fundamentalists and believe in gun culture.

In 1962, when China attacked India and captured a large territory in the Himalayas, every citizen of the country felt his pride greatly hurt and expressed anger against the government’s military unpreparedness, resulting in crushing defeat. But the Marxists had different feelings. For them it was a victory of Chinese PLA, who were fighting for the peasants and workers of the world against the pro-American, pro-capitalists and anti-people government headed by Pt. Nehru, the then Prime Minister of India. They believed rather India was an aggressor and occupying Chinese territory. As it shows today they kept mum during Chinese recent incursions and their claim over Sikkim and Arunachal.

In 1963, differences between Russians and Chinese surfaced. Russians called Chinese as expansionists and Chinese called Russians as revisionists. This also brought cracks in the Communist Party of India, ultimately in 1964 resulting in division (1) Communist Party of India, Pro-Russia, supported by AITUC union. (2) Communist Party (Marxists) pro-China supported by CITU union. In West Bengal, CPI leaders were Shri Bhupesh Gupta, Shri Inderjeet Gupta and Shri Hiranya Mukherjee and CPM was led by Shri Jyoti Basu and Shri Pramod Dasgupta. They faught elections since 1967 under separate identities.

The year 1967 was an election year. Congress in West Bengal was completely in doldrums with demoralised cadres. Shri Ajoy Mukherjee, a great Gandhian leader in Congress, left the party and promoted a separate party called Bangla Congress. There were number of parties in election fray like Congress, Bangla Congress (known as rightists) and CPM, CPI, Forward Block, Forward Block (Marxists), SUCI and Workers Party of India (known as leftists). There had been bloody fights among themselves against the encroachment of each others area of influence. Ideologically each leftist party claimed to be the real Marxist against others.

Election results were as expected. Congress lost heavily. No party could muster a majority to form the government of its own. At last all parties other than Congress decided to form the coalition government headed by Shri Ajoy Mukherjee of Bangla Congress as Chief Minister and Shri Jyoti Basu of CPM as Deputy Chief Minister.

The time Shri Ajoy Mukherjee took the oath of CM, the very next moment he realised that comrades were hard nuts to break. He faced stiff opposition from coalition constituents, particularly CPM. Though Shri Mukherjee was a Gandhian and a very simple man, but was still dubbed as bourgeois, anti-people and anti-poor, because he did not approve the Mao’s methodology to spread the communism in the state. There was virtually no agenda—for good governance, law and order and development. Comrades had only one agenda, to spread their wings all over the state by force. Managers in government offices, industries, business houses suffered from fear psychosis. Demonstrations, strikes and stoppage in work were rampant. The CPM controlled labour union CITU, attained a monster-like look. This started down fall in economic activity, as the capital started fleeing from the state. The day-to-day work in the state almost came to grinding halt. Ultimately in 1969 the Governor, at the instance of central government, dissolved the West Bengal assembly and President’s rule was imposed.

After this the brainwashed CPM Talibans had completely a free hand. They tried to increase further the area under influence and control resulting in tough fights with other leftists in their constituencies. Private armies were raised and number of people were killed. The top leader of Forward Block Shri Chit Kumar Basu was stabbed to death on the busy street near Park Circus at Kolkata. The news of killing in country side was being reported almost every day in the newspapers.

In the assembly election in 1969, CPM emerged as a single largest party. Congress came with much reduced strength and Bangla Congress was almost wiped out. CPM again formed the coalition government with CPI, RSP, Forward Block and Froward Block (Marxist). This gave the chance to comrade Jyoti Basu to lead the state as a Chief Minister. But their way of working remained the same. There was completely work to rule in the offices, industries, mines etc. Industries became sick. Managers became sick, they were hooted, hackled and sometimes lynched to death. People became so much unsecured that by evening all will run to their houses. Markets, roads and streets would give a deserted look. Government’s attitude was quite indifferent. On March 25, 1970, there was a bloody scuffle between PAC and workers of Durgapur Steel Plant who violently demonstrated against automotion. About 50 persons were seriously injured and hospitalised. Shri Krishnapada Ghosh (the son-in-law of CPM Party Chief Shri Pramod Dasgupta) a minister, who was sent for a visit to take the stock of the situation, only met with injured workers and not the injured officers and PAC jawans. Imagine the plight of the common man, when government was so virulent in behaviour. The conditions were so bad that Durgapur Steel Plant was hardly operating at 60 per cent of installed capacity, whereas Bokaro Steel Plant, about 70 km away in Bihar was operating at more than 90 per cent of installed capacity that time. Can comrades say that low production in Durgapur Steel Plant was for American’s loss?

Shri Pramod Dasgupta, the CPM party chief, was very fiery and aggressive and had more followings in CITU union of CPM. This resulted lesser control of Jyoti Basu as Chief Minister on the officers and staff of Writers Building and other government offices. The Marxists had still only one point agenda to fight against the bourgeois in West Bengal and at Delhi.

But, so much lawlessness for years together in the state ultimately scared the people, as they were not leading a peaceful life. Centre and State relations were not at all cordial. This once again brought the state under President’s rule by early 1971.

CPM and CITU unions continued their terrorising tactics. Rallies and processions against the central government were regular features. Two Sen brothers of Congress, were brutally killed in Burdwan. So much of scare was created that Congress with great difficulty could get candidates for nomination for election due to fear of being killed, as it happened to number of their workers after filling nominations. Then Congress adopted a new strategy. They pushed the candidates under ground after filling nominations in their constituencies. Thus they fought election almost without any election campaign.

Election results were astonishing for the whole West Bengal as well as India. People expressed their anger through ballots. Congress came out victorious in more than hundred seats. This boosted the morale of their cadres, who came out of their hideouts to face the angry CPM cadres, with bloody blows. The membership of INTUC, the Congress led union, swelled. Shri Jyoti Basu again became the Chief Minister supported by the other left parties. Conditions remained still the same and there had been no endeavour on the part of the government to improve the deteriorating law and order. But, reading the people’s mind in West Bengal Smt. Indira Gandhi, the then Prime Minister, again imposed President’s rule. In elections held in early 1973, the Congress came out victorious with a brute majority, which formed the government headed by Shri Sidharth Shankar Roy as Chief Minister.

Confident CPM cadres never expected it. The crushing defeat made their leadership to realise that people want law and order, peaceful life and good governance. So although they still followed Marxism, but shed the violence and tried better contacts with the people. This was not liked by the hardliners in the party. A new party called “Naxalitas” under the leadership of Charumajundar, Kanu Sanyal and Jangal Santhal emerged on the scene. They were the dead enemy of CPM. They were dealt with iron hand by the government at Centre.

In 1977, the conditions in the country took the U turn. Congress was not only defeated at Centre, but also all over northern India, including West Bengal, due to promulgation of Emergency in 1975. Shri Jyoti Basu was again on the Chief Minister’s chair. After that he did not look back. He ruled the state for about twenty five years. The state is still under leftists rule headed by Shri Buddhdeb Bhattacharjee of CPM as Chief Minister. During Jyoti Basu’s time there has been negligible progress in the state, but presently Shri Buddhdeb Bhattacharjee has realised that IT, telecom, energy, automobile and infrastructure are the areas which need to be looked for development, but is not achieving the desired results because of the Marxism to which they are still holding. Violent incidents at Singur and Nandigram do testify its irrelevance.

Finally coming to the point which I started writing, whether, Kolkata is still the financial capital of the country, which it used to be in 50’s. No, not at all. All the focus for investments shifted towards western region of the country. Where the professionals inspired by nationalism brought the economic development and prosperity in the last fifty years. In this period West Bengal remained mostly destablised. Marxism has actually proved to be the anti-poor and anti-development.

It was said “what Bengal does today, India will do tomorrow”. It is true, but not with the teachings of Marxism. It will be true only by following the path shown by the sons of Bengal like Vivekananda, Netaji, Tagore, etc.

(The author can be contacted at 89/7, East Punjabi Bagh, New Delhi-110 026.)


Tuesday, September 2, 2008

Why did Nano project pull out of West Bengal? CPM.

What the following statement fails to state is the nature of the state led by CPM in West Bengal. This blogspot focusses on Communist Party of Murderers.

It is a pity that there are other parties which are part of the Left Front led by CPM, acquiescing in the activities of the murderous party. No further evidence is required than the claim made by a Politburo member of CPM, Smt. Brinda Karat that 'dumdum dawaii' will be administered in the wake of Nandigram and Singur atrocities unleashed by the CPM. 'Dumdum Dawaii' is a short-hand for violence and murder, a technique that CPM thought was successfully adopted in the Dumdum constituency to neutralise through violence, opposition to the Left Front.

What the tragedy of the CPM led polity in West Bengal proves is this: Commies are unfit to govern, driven as they are by blind ideological beliefs in communism (another form of religion) and recent manifestations showing off the CPM brass as China patriots, rendering them ab initio unfit to even understand let alone cherish the great heritage of Hindu civilization.

This ain't the time to enter into political nit-picking pointing fingers at who did what and what could have been done to avoid the stupid controversy posited between agro-based and industry-based development.

The issue is not dichotomy. The issue is about CPM's ability to articulate and put in place the type of future Hindusthan should strive for and achieve.

For a long, long time to come, people of Hindushan will continue to live in the rural areas living off the bounties of mother earth. There is no magic wand to absorb 65% of the labour force currently engaged in the agricultural sector into the industrial or services sectors. Hindusthan will continue to be a land based on the bounties offered by the mother earth which have to be nurtured and protected by the labor force in the agricultural sector.

The tragedy gets compounded by the fact that agricultural growth has only been 1.8% while the total GDP growth is trumpeted by official statisticians to be over 8%. Does it occur to these pundits to analyse the absurdity of this statistical picture? How can Hindusthan grow without growth of the rural area dependent upon agriculture and related agro-processing industries?

CPM (and the others in the Left Front) thought that they could fool the electorate and create a vote bank by offering long-term lease of land to the tillers and smashing this agreement to the smithereens by the new-found love for Nano or Salim's chemical hub or whatever industrial goodies which such entrepreneurs have to offer who care little for that poor farmer in the villages who is forced into suicide as an ultimate revolt against the intolerable order.

The issue is not about the Nano project or the munificence of the Tata dynasty.

The issue is about the type of integrated development needed to provide for urban facilities in rural areas and ensuring that the entire labour force is fruitfully engaged in work and is fairly compensated to create enough purchasing power in their hands to create a multiplier effect in taking the nation forward to abhyudayam.

The issue is about the nation, the rashtram; not this region or that, not this community or that. The issue is about the abhyudayam of the entire nation ensuring true empowerment of the janapada-s, which can be created by fully empowered panchayati raj institutions to determine bottom-up developmental opportunities without waiting for doles from 10 Janpath chamcha-s.

The issue is about getting the politicos off the backs of the bhadralok, by disbanding the oppressive state structures exemplified by the photo-ops sought by 10 Janpath chamcha-s, as if they are arbiters of the fate of Hindusthan.

They are not the arbiters of the fate of Hindusthan. The people who gave themselves this Republic are. This Republic has to be a dharma republic, governed by the universal ethic of family responsibility confederating into a state responsibility for abhyudayam.

We have to get back to the drawing board and rethink if we have the right types of institutional mechanisms in the State to really achieve a harmonious balance between the exercise of State power and family responsibility -- simply to re-draw the Constitutional framework which have allowed the types of riff-raffs like the CPM ideologues who only mouth worker power caring little for ensuring that the workers have work to perform, to find meaning in their lives and realize their full potential as contributors for the nation's abhyudayam.

Workers are not mere vote-banks, CPM. They are the very raison d'etre of the State. CPM ideologues may go for tutorial sessions to China but they will learn nothing, unless they learn that the nation of Hindusthan has its identity from the ancestors who have given us some ideals to strive for -- dharma. If we have asthana vidwans like Hon'ble Rajya Sabha MP Sitaram Yechury who has not even read the Hindi version of the Preamble of the Constitution of India and takes exception to the then President of the Union referring to pantha-nirapekshata as the offical reading of the word 'secular' in the Preamble, CPM really has problems; so do the CPM partners of the Left Front and the pseudo-secular brigades of 10 Janpath chamcha-s. There can't be no dharma-nirapekshataa, Sitaram ji. Dharma is the very fountain of this nation, this rashtram. There cannot be any neutrality as to dharma. Every facet of the State, every wing of the State, every estate of the State, every functionary has to owe allegiance to dharma. It is only such allegiance that defines Hindusthanam.

Bye-bye Nano. It is good that Tata dynasty learns some lessons. There is corporate accountability, accountability to the people. Corporate aggrupations cannot dictate public policy but act like responsible entities owing their first allegiance to protecting those who protect dharma. The Singur land is not Tata's or Buddhadeb's. It is ridiculous that Buddha claims that there is no law to return the land illegally taken from the tenants and cultivatore. If there is no law, create it, Buddha; and gracefully, quit being CM.

So, why did Nano project pull out of West Bengal? The answer is simple. CPM. People have suffered enough from these marauders. Show them the exit door out of politics and let them get into social service for a change, say, by tilling the Singur lands to produce paan pattaa, the famed Bangla paan pattaa rivalling the Benarsi paan pattaa -- both pattaas are the bounties of Maa Ganga, CPM. CPM, do you understand what Maa Ganga means? She is our mother, she is our life. If you can't help them, just leave the Singur land-tillers and cultivators alone.


Statement issued by Tata Motors on Singur pull out threat
2 Sep 2008, 2231 hrs IST,ECONOMICTIMES.COM

Tata Motors on Tuesday said it was looking for alternate options to manufacture its small car Nano from the company's other plants and work at Singur has been suspended.

Here is the full statement released by the Corporate Communications department of Tata Motors:

Tata Motors Ltd. has been constrained to suspend the construction and commissioning work at the Nano Plant in Singur in view of continued confrontation and agitation at the site. This decision was taken in order to ensure the safety of its employees and contract labour, who have continued to be violently obstructed from reporting to work. The company has assessed the prevailing situation in Singur, after five continuous days of cancellation of work, and believes that there is no change in the volatile situation around the plant. The project’s auto ancillary partners, who had commenced work at their respective plants in Singur, were also constrained to suspend work in line with Tata Motors’ decision.

In view of the current situation, the company is evaluating alternate options for manufacturing the Nano car at other company facilities and a detailed plan to relocate the plant and machinery to an alternate site is under preparation. To minimize the impact this may have on the recently recruited and trained people from West Bengal, the Company is exploring the possibility of absorbing them at its other plant locations.

Construction of the plant has faced challenges at various points of time. There has however been a significant decline in the attendance of their staff and contractual labour since August 24, 2008. Some of the international consultants working on the plant have returned home and the construction work in the plant has been stalled since August 28, 2008. In fact, the existing environment of obstruction, intimidation and confrontation has begun to impact the ability of the company to convince several of its experienced managers to relocate and work in the plant. Further, several persons engaged in the construction and commissioning work who had taken accommodation at Singur and nearby areas have since vacated and have gone away due to intimidation and fear.

Construction of the Nano project comprising of the Nano manufacturing facilities and the vendor park, a normal feature in modern world-class auto plants, commenced in January 2007. The work on the construction and commissioning of the plant had been nearing completion in line with planned schedules. During construction, this project employed about 4000 employees at its peak including several hundred young residents from and around the region.

As a part of its commitment to enhance the employability of its people, Tata Motors has trained over 762 ITIs and other apprentices from the region and the state. They have undergone retraining at the Tata Motors facilities in Jamshedpur and Pune.

Tata Motors’ efforts to offer medical care in and around the region, which had handled over 17,000 medical cases, have been forcefully stopped by violent agitators. As part of the proposed integrated auto cluster in Singur, about 60 key auto ancillary suppliers to the Nano have taken possession of land in the integrated complex and have invested about Rs.500 crores towards construction of their plants and procurement of their equipment and machinery.

Commenting on the situation, a Tata Motors spokesperson said, “The situation around the Nano plant continues to be hostile and intimidating. There is no way this plant could operate efficiently unless the environment became congenial and supportive of the project. We came to West Bengal hoping we could add value, prosperity and create job opportunities in the communities in the State.”